How long does it take to read a classic 20th-century political novel? What if you read it aloud, from cover to cover over the course of one day?

On Tuesday 6 June , the answer to the first question was 10 hours and 57 minutes.

Richard Blair, George Orwell’s adopted son was three years old when his father completed the book in 1948. It was Richard who started reading ‘…the clocks were striking  thirteen’. Almost 11 hours, two tides and a fleet of 50 actors, journalists and activists later, writer Bonnie Greer intoned Winston Smith’s final, anguished defeat,  ‘…he loved Big Brother’.

This was 1984 Live, read and performed in our University’s Senate House. Propaganda was plastered over the darkened Chancellor’s Hall (notionally the heart of London’s federal university). The royal portraits and baroque tapestry-map were obscured by flickering slides of blitzed London and Airstrip One. Young actors, soundtrack and lighting, driven by technology Big Brother would have died for, accompanied the marathon reading.

You can see and hear the full reading of 1984 via the Orwell Foundation. Each will have their choice extracts: I’ll flag Michela Wrong on double-thinking Oceania’s international relations (at 1 hour 25 minutes), Peter Hitchens on memory and the revolution (3:19), Simon Schama on Julia’s copse (4:37), Billy Bragg on sex and totalitarianism (5:20), the pairing of Melyvn Bragg and Ken Loach (on Ingsoc and the party, 7:55). Jean Seaton (10:14, on Winston’s incarceration), herself the steely-chair of the Orwell Foundation and, I suspect, the red-sashed powerhouse behind the live reading.

Dank Senate House and its surrounding streets are central to 1984 and Orwell. The Senate inspired 1984’s Ministry of Truth and Room 101. Images of Orwell remain in the Fitzroy Tavern, Bricklayers Arms and other hostelries he frequented off Charlotte St (though not his imaginary ‘The Moon under Water’).  He died of tuberculosis in University College Hospital, a few hundred yards from Birkbeck and Senate House, on 21 January 1950. In the six months between the publication and his death, 1984 was reprinted several times. In its first year it sold almost half a million copies and has been in print ever since.

Birkbeck’s Politics Department was co-founded by the scholar who more than any other shaped our understanding of George Orwell. Bernard Crick’s monumental George Orwell: A Life was published in 1980 and remains the definitive biography. Crick himself gave a series of open lectures in Senate House on Orwell in 1982, marking the publication in paperback of A Life.  Royalties from the book underpinned the Orwell Foundation and the annual Orwell Lecture. Crick, who died in 2008, chaired the Orwell Prize until 2006; his death in 2008 left numerous intellectual legacies. These included Birkbeck’s archives from his work on Orwell, his editorship of Political Quarterly (currently back under a Birkbeck editor), as well as our Department and his wider writings.

You can read Ben Pimlott’s introduction to 1984 here and listen to the Birkbeck Arts week event ‘Will 2017 be 1984?’ here

David Styan is a Lecturer in Politics at Birkbeck


By: monsterspade

Most Politics Departments would struggle to host hundreds of bibulous political authors and journalists, particularly if accompanied by MPs, literary luminaries and academic liggers. Not 10 Gower Street, which last night embraced big tent politics by hosting The Orwell Prize’s 21st birthday awards in its garden marquee.

The prize was established in 1993 by Professor Bernard Crick, a founder of the Department and Orwell’s biographer. Each year a jury honours an author and a journalist whose work best meets Orwell’s ambition “to make political writing into an art”.

Former Home Secretary Alan Johnson’s chipper account of his impoverished West London upbringing, This Boy: Memoir of a Childhoodwon the book prize.  The Guardian’s Ghaith Abdul-Ahad scooped the journalism award for his forensic coverage of Syria’s civil war-see a recent article here. Both winners faced stiff competition from a shortlist that included Not For Turning, Charles Moore’s biography of Margaret Thatcher and David Goodhart’s British Dream about the history and impact of immigration. The journalists’ shortlist featured lead-writers from the Economist, Financial Times and Telegraph.

The journal Political Quarterly is a prize sponsor, as is Orwell’s son, Richard Blair. Alongside the main awards, the department’s Deborah Mabbett received the best essay prize for her incisive writing on welfare reform.  The evening saw two new awards launched for the coming year: one to reward young political writers, while a prize for the best investigative reporting into social iniquities is being sponsored by the Rowntree Foundation.

Today – amidst EU and local polling – hangovers and political egos are being nursed while print and social media coverage of the awards proliferates and the marquee is dismantled downstairs. Meanwhile, the Department’s long association with both Orwell and distinguished political writing, as exemplified by both Bernard Crick and Ben Pimlott, will continue. The latter’s biographical work is examined in detail by Dermot Hodson in an interview with Orwell Prize chair, Jean Seaton, published here this week.

You can read George Orwell’s famous 1946 essay on writing about politics, ‘Politics and the English Language’, here and a collection of encounters with Orwell’s work here.

David Styan is a Lecturer in Politics



Pirates in the Indian Ocean off Somalia and the militias operating across states in the deserts of the western Sahel share two characteristics: hostage-taking provides their primary income stream, and they have successfully sustained and extended their business and political models over many years. Selective violence and guile have combined to create lucrative markets in which legal international actors – representatives of states and multinational companies – have been obliged to negotiate.

In terms of Indian Ocean piracy, October saw the publication of the first detailed economic analysis of the seizure of ships, cargoes and their crews off the Somali coast over the past decade. Pirate Trails is a 130 page report by a group of researchers from the World Bank, UN and Interpol, subtitled Tracking the Illicit Financial Flows from Pirate Activities off the Horn of Africa”. Interviews with pirates, their brokers and bankers detail the venture capital required to successfully seize ships. The report then analyses how ransom monies – estimated to total around $400m over the past eight years – are then reinvested or laundered, both within Somalia and via networks in Kenya, Djibouti, Dubai and Europe.

The report focuses exclusively on the Somali pirates and ransom finances. As such, it illuminates only one of side of what in effect has become a triangular international industry.

Somali piracy has spawned a vast ‘legitimate’ counterpart industry to negotiate the release of ships and their crews.  This is the second side of the ‘piracy industry triangle’. Those working in the ‘negotiation industry’ are private companies. Their costs and profits come from the insurance industry, most ransoms being ultimately paid out via the maritime insurance policies of shipowners. Legal actors involved in negotiations include international law firms, communication and logistics specialists as well as Somali negotiators. The latter are often drawn from communities in OECD states; hence the publicity over both US-based and British Somalis recently involved in high-profile hostage cases.

While the operational hub for many such agents is Kenya, London is central to the industry. Across the Thames from the Houses of Parliament sits the HQ of the International Maritime Organisation . London is still a global hub for shipping and maritime insurance. Many of the insurers and lawyers actively engaged in pirate negotiation and the payment of ransoms are based here.

The politics department hosted one such lawyer two years ago; at the launch of Brian Mabee and Alex Colas’ edited book Mercenaries, pirates, bandits and empires. This provides a unique overview of historical and theoretical approaches to how piracy has figured in international relations.

What of the third side of the ‘piracy industry triangle’? Not only have the pirates prompted the creation of a well-paid cadre of specialised lawyers and negotiators, they have also spawned a vast anti-piracy operation. Many of the world’s navies participate in such operations, as I related in a recent study of Djibouti, the principal hub for vessels involved in anti-piracy patrols in the Indian Ocean and Gulf of Aden. The Chinese navy’s participation in, and cooperation with, such patrols currently represents China’s most significant deployment as a global multilateral military actor.  Multilateral anti-piracy missions also include the European Union’s EUNAFOR mission, headquartered in Northwood, Hertfordshire. A fictionalised version of the US Navy’s role in anti-piracy can be currently seen at a cinema near you in the movie Captain Phillips.  (Sadly you have missed the surreal experience of viewing the film aboard an anti-piracy ship).

In Somalia since 2005 there have been around 160 hijackings and hostage transactions, with the report estimating the average ransom payments rose from $1.2m in 2007 to a peak of $5m each in 2011.  Transactions in West Africa’s territorially vast hostage market are less frequent but far more lucrative, as underscored by the Euro20m paid by France to secure the release of four hostages in November.

David Styan is a lecturer in Politics